Aktuelle Publikationen • Koreastudien • Fachbereich Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften

Social Capital and Innovation in East Asia

Social Capital and Innovation in East Asia

Seo-Young Cho

Asian Development Bank / MIT Press | 2021-03-22

Erschienen in: Asian Development Review 38: 207-238

This paper investigates the relationship between social capital and innovation in high-performing East Asian economies. Rapid economic growth and innovation in these economies contradicts the presumed positive link between social trust and innovation suggested in the literature, as these economies are often characterized as low-trust societies. The results of the multilevel analyses conducted in this paper show that social trust among individuals is not a driving force of innovation in East Asia. Instead, other elements of social capital—shared social norms of supporting collective developmental goals and trust in formal institutions—are more important determinants of innovation. This finding reveals the region-specific developmental path of East Asia—states set innovation and growth as common goals for society and played an active role in initiating and coordinating efforts to achieve them.

Migration and the Crisis of Democracy in Contemporary Europe

Migration and the Crisis of Democracy in Contemporary Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021

Christoph M. Michael

Palgrave Macmillan | 2021-03

Erschienen in: Migration and the Crisis of Democracy in Contemporary Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. Europe in Transition: The NYU European Studies Series

This innovative and thought-provoking study puts forth a compelling analysis of the constitutive nexus at the heart of the European refugee conundrum. It maps and historically contextualises some of the distinctive challenges that pervasive ethnic and cultural pluralism present to real politics as on the level of political theorizing. By systematically integrating hitherto insufficiently linked research perspectives in a novel way, it lays open a number of paradoxical constellations and regressive tendencies in contemporary European democracy. It thereby redirects attention to the ways in which liberal thought and liberal democratic institutions shape, interact with, and may even provide justification for illiberal and exclusionary practices. This book thus makes an important contribution to the analysis of post-migrant realities in Europe and the ways in which they are defined by imperial legacies, punitive migration regimes, the culturalization of mainstream politics, and the discursive construction of a European Other.

The Meaning and Role of Sacrificial Rituals in Traditional Korean Educational Institutions

© DGA Hamburg 2020

Eun-Jeung Lee , Son-woo Chung

DGA | 2021-03

Erschienen in: ASIEN 154/155 (Januar/April 2020)

In Korea during the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910) Confucian scholars were able to construct a political and social order and culture around the symbolic space of the Confucian private academy (sŏwŏn) by relying on a tradition of iterative ritual performances. These designated each member of society with a proper social role and universal grammar. The function of the rituals at Confucian private academies was that of a social signifier within the construction of a social contract peculiar to Chosŏn society. The academies spread, which began in the sixteenth century in areas outside the capital, produced a “Confucianization” of traditional rituals, and thence the indoctrination with Confucian morals at the local level. This kind of transformation of society had been the aim of the Chosŏn rulers right from the dynasty’s foundation in 1392. However, the driving force behind this transformation was not the center, but local scholars. They wanted to enhance their own social and political dominance and privileges through the creation of symbolic ritual spaces under their control, including the invention of a tradition of local sages/scholars to be enshrined and revered at the sŏwŏn.

Schlagwörter: confucian academies, ritual, Chosōn society, education

Human Rights and a "garden" of Human Community in the Post-Globalization Era

ISBN: 978-0-367-93294-6 (hbk)

Eun-Jeung Lee

Routledge | 2021-03

Erschienen in: Thomas Meyer, José Luís de Sales Marques, Mario Telò (Ed.).2021. Towards a New Multilateralism. Cultural Divergence and Political Convergence?, 170-182

The majority of regimes facing criticism in the international community for their human rights violations have, at some point, turned themselves into advocates of cultural relativism. They argue that their countries have their very own, distinct culture and that human rights, too, need to be understood on the basis of that culture. Intellectuals in these countries who are critical of such regimes’ authoritarian style of government and call for the protection of human rights are branded as having lost themselves to Western-centric thinking. Arguing the universality of human rights is, to such regimes, an act of subservience to Western-centricism. In the 21st century, often labelled the post-globalization era, the gulf between cultural relativism and universalism in the conception of human rights shows no signs of closing. The discourse on human rights itself is often mobilized as an instrument for power. What I want to suggest in this article in order to bridge the gulf between cultural relativism and universalism as apparent in the discourse on human rights and, ultimately, reconcile these two concepts with each other is a reappraisal of Herder’s metaphor of human civilization as a community in the form of a “garden”. To Herder, the beauty of this garden of human community lies in the fact that the flowers of cultures growing in its midst achieve a state of mutual harmony. Just as cultivating a single flower cannot be viewed separately from the beauty of the garden as a whole, the protection of specific human rights in full awareness of their somewhat relative character and the protection of human rights in the human community as a whole as a matter of universal principle cannot, ultimately, be viewed as separate from one another. What is needed is an approach that upholds the universalist nature of human rights but also reconciles with the historic and cultural particularities of human rights.

The Epistemic Legacy: Studying the collection, preservation, and transfer of knowledge in premodern societies

collect and preserve

Eun-Jeung Lee , Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum, Jochem Kahl

Harrassowitz | 2021-02-24

Erschienen in: Collect and Preserve: Institutional Contexts of Epistemic Knowledge in Pre-modern Societies; Harrassowitz - 2021; The Epistemic Legacy: Studying the collection, preservation, and transfer of knowledge in premodern societies; p.1-20

by: Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum, Jochem Kahl, Eun-Jeung Lee || The use of writing for the preservation and transmission of administrative, sci-entific, literary or religious knowledge – to name but a few instances – has a long history in ancient and pre-modern Near and Far Eastern civilizations. From the third millennium BCE onwards, systematic societal implementation of writing produced an incredible amount of written documents on e.g. clay, stone, bone, papyrus, bamboo, plant leaves, parchment or paper. Together with the emergence and systematic production of written data, the need for keeping, even safeguard-ing at least part of them became an important issue. Writing as a social institution requires long-term organizational framework to take charge of collecting and preserving written lore. In most societies...

No Books to Leave, No Women to Enter: Confucian Academies in Pre-Modern Korea and Their Book Collections

collect and preserve

Eun-Jeung Lee , Vladimir Glomb

Harrassowitz | 2021-02-24

Erschienen in: Collect and Preserve: Institutional Contexts of Epistemic Knowledge in Pre-modern Societies; Harrassowitz - 2021; “No Books to Leave, No Women to Enter”: Confucian Academies in Pre-Modern Korea and Their Book Collections; p.175-198

by Vladimir Glomb, Eun-Jeung Lee || When, in 1578, the retired high-ranking official Yulgok Yi I (1536–1584) decided to compose the rules of study for the Unbyŏng Study Hall, where he lectured to his disciples, he had no doubts as to the form of the ideal Confucian education of a young student: “Every day on the fifth watch, just before dawn, students wake up and put their beds in order. The younger ones take a broom and sweep their chambers, and order the assistant to sweep the yard. After that, the students wash, dress properly, and start their reading of the books.” During the reading, the student should “kneel upright and respectfully with clasped hands, devote his whole mind and direct his intention, exert himself fully to grasp the meaning and its lesson.” The rest of the day consisted, apart from ritual obligations, of “reading, quiet sitting and preserving of one’s mind, and lectures or discussions about meanings and principles.” Finally, students should “after dark, light the lamps and read their books.” This insight into the daily routine of a young student gives us a basic idea of the role of reading in Confucian education and, more specifically, of the position the study of books occupied in Confucian academies of 16th-century Korea. ...

Collect and Preserve: Institutional Contexts of Epistemic Knowledge in Pre-modern Societies

collect and preserve

Eun-Jeung Lee , Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum, Jochem Kahl

Harrassowitz | 2021-02-24

Erschienen in: Episteme in Bewegung. Beiträge zur einer transdisziplinären Wissensgeschichte, Bd. 9

The use of writing for the preservation and transmission of administrative, scientific, literary and sacred knowledge has a long history. From the third millennium BCE on, many forms of social processes – intellectual, religious, political and others – have been increasingly materialized in the form of a variety of document types (tablets, bones, papyri, scrolls, parchments, books). Some of them were collected in archives or libraries that were dependent on royal palaces, governmental institutions and temples but also in private contexts. The publication “Collect and Preserve” assembles a number of studies devoted to material aspects of collecting texts in ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, Medieval Japan, and Korea.

5.18 and Unification - Korean Democracy Movement in Berlin

Toyobunka 101

Eun-Jeung Lee

toyo bunka | 2021-02

Erschienen in: toyo bunka 101 (2021), p. 193-210

Materials in Translation - Tonghak: A Progressive Ideological Heritage Indigenous to the Chosōn Nation


Preface by Vladimir Glomb , Hak Hui Ro

The Kyujanggak Institute of Korean Studies | 2020-12

Erschienen in: Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 33, no. 2 (December 2020): 545-567

Tonghak was a feature of the Choso˘n nation’s progressive ideological heritage, which took form, developed, and circulated extensively through the lawful process of development of Choso˘n national philosophical thought that began in the medieval period and carried over into modernity. Tonghak was thus a feature of the progressive thought that preceded the modern philosophical thought of Choso˘n. Along with Enlightenment thought (kaehwa sasang), it greatly influenced the Choso˘n people’s uprisings and modern historical development in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The people’s uprisings it inspired, including the Kabo Peasant War (Kabo nongmin cho˘njaeng), were carried out to oppose feudal rule and foreign invasions and advocate autonomy (chajuso˘ng).

South Korea’s Soft Power in the Era of the Covid-19 Pandemic : An Analysis of the Expert Survey in Europe

Seo-Young Cho; Eric J. Ballbach; Daniela Claus-Kim; Hyun Gyung Kim; Eun-Jeung Lee; Jaemin Shim

Seoul National University | 2020-11

Erschienen in: Seoul Journal of Economics - Vol. 33, No. 4, pp.601-626

Since the recent outbreak of the Covid-19, South Korea has demonstrated successful pandemic management that can be exemplary to other countries. This paper analyzes how South Korea’s responses to the Covid-19 pandemic has changed the perceptions of the country in Europe. Through a survey conducted with Korea experts in 16 European countries, this paper documents the positive recognition of South Korea’s pandemic management by the European public. Part of the positive appraisal can be attributed to South Korea’s extensive testing, high technology, and the culture of wearing a face mask, while the opinions were more mixed regarding its comprehensive tracking and tracing strategy due to privacy concerns. Furthermore, the findings of the survey show that Europeans’ overall perception of South Korea has improved together with its Covid-19 management. This evidence suggests that the country’s success in pandemic management can be an instrument of public diplomacy to enhance its soft power, for which the government of South Korea currently invests considerable efforts.

코로나와 아시아의 타자화


Eun-Jeung Lee

새얼문화재단 | 2020-09-01

Erschienen in: 황해문화 108호 - 2020.가을

베를린에서 연구하고 있는 이은정 선생은 「코로나와 아시아의 타자화」라는 글을 통해 코로나19 사태를 독일인들이 어떻게 사고하고 해석하는지 실체의 일단을 신랄하게 전해준다. 독일 언론의 보도는 마치 ‘코로나 세계선수권대회’를 치르는 것처럼, 코로나 확진자 수, 사망자 수를 국가별로 분류해 매일 전해주는데, 독일이 유럽에서 가장 성공적으로 방역을 달성한 사례라고 지속적으로 강조하는 자국중심주의를 벗어나지 못하는 보도를 이어갔다고 한다. 뿐만 아니라 독일 언론은 비문명적인 중국에서 발생했으며 중국의 독재정부가 뒤늦게 대응했으며 실책을 감추기 위해 과잉대응하고 있다는 비난을 쏟아내고, 한국의 방역 성공 사례조차 문화주의적 해석을 통해 독일과 비교할 수 없는 권위주의 감시체제의 산물로 규정하는 “황색혐오”의 실태를 보여준다. 에드워드 사이드가 오리엔탈리즘을 비판한 지 40년이 넘었음에도 불구하고 독일을 비롯한 서구사회는 여전히 동아시아를 집단주의적이고 유교적이며 권위주의에 의해 지배받는 사회로 혐오하며 타자화하고 있다는 것, 코로나19가 새삼 드러낸 서구사회의 민낯이다.

Toegye's Appraisal of Daoism


Vladimir Glomb

The Academy of Korean Studies (AKS) | 2020-06

Erschienen in: The Review of Korean Studies, Vol. 24, No.1 (June 2020), 89-112

There have been many studies documenting the relation of Joseon Confucian scholars toward a broad range of texts, institutions, and motives which can be grouped under the general label of Daoism. Of a special interest is a sixteenth century period, often described as a formative stage of the Korean Learning of the Way. Commentary and critiques of Laozi or Zhuangzi, attacks on what remained of Goryeo Daoist institutions or debates on longevity techniques were an integral part of Confucian discourse, and it would be difficult to find a scholar who did not have at least some contact with these alternative intellectual currents. Nonetheless, a precise picture of the everyday interaction of the literati with heterodox topics remains evasive. The greater amount of the cases studied present texts and scholars who were interested in Daoist motives either through positive or negative motivations. But how widespread were those topics on an everyday level? How much were these topics known and discussed by common scholars? There are several indicators that the knowledge of Laozi and Zhuangzi’s texts belonged to the common proficiency of sixteenth century Confucian students: this is demonstrated by the entry in Jeungbo munheon bigo (Revised and Enlarged Complete Examination of Documents 增補文獻備考), stating that “in the thirty third year of the [King Seonjo] (1600) students were prohibited from the use of Laozi and Zhuangzi textual expressions during state examinations.”1 Does this mean that the knowledge of Daoist Classics was so common among students that it was necessary to explicitly prohibit their use? If Laozi and Zhuangzi were studied, what about other Daoist Classics or alchemy?

KARA: Talent Agencies

Hyun Gyung Kim

University of Tokyo | 2020-05-17

Erschienen in: Japanese Media and Popular Culture, An Open-Access Digital Initiative of the University of Tokyo

This online published article shows how Japanese talent agency and Korean talent agency collaborate to shape transnational idol system by the case of KARA, which used to be one of the most popular Korean girl idols in Japan. The Japanese jimusho system shares much in common with the talent agencies known as kihaeksa in South Korea regarding the scope of the functions. Jimusho and kihaeksa enable aspiring and rookie entertainers to become stars. Their work includes scouting for talent, arranging for auditions, providing training, pitching entertainers to industry leaders, and negotiating contracts. This article explores how talent agencies of both countries are extracting profits from the labour of artists in the global circulation of popular culture.

Eine Wahl, zwei Sieger - Südkoreas Parlamentswahlen im Zeichen von Erfolgen im Kampf gegen die Corona-Pandemie

Eric J. Ballbach

SWP | 2020-05

Erschienen in: SWP-Aktuell 2020/A 31

Die Parlamentswahlen in Südkorea am 15. April waren die weltweit erste landesweite demokratische Abstimmung seit dem Ausbruch der Corona-Krise. Dass sie überhaupt durchgeführt werden konnten, steht in direktem Zusammenhang mit der Strategie, die Südkoreas Regierung bei der Eindämmung der Corona-Pandemie verfolgt. Klarer Sieger war denn auch der amtierende Präsident Moon Jae-in, der insbesondere für sein erfolgreiches Krisenmanagement belohnt wurde. Doch ist die Wahl auch ein Sieg für die noch immer vergleichsweise junge Demokratie in Südkorea. Da Regierung und Bevölkerung aus den Erfahrungen früherer Epidemien gelernt haben, mussten sich die Bürger nicht zwischen der Ausübung ihrer demokratischen Rechte und dem Schutz ihrer Gesundheit entscheiden.

Confucian Academies in East Asia

Confucian Academies in East Asia

Vladimir Glomb , Eun-Jeung Lee , Martin Gehlmann

BRILL | 2020-03-31

Erschienen in: Science and Religion in East Asia, Vol 3

The fifteen studies presented in Confucian Academies in East Asia offer insight into the history and legacy of these unique institutions of knowledge and education. The contributions analyze origins, spread and development of Confucian academies across China, Korea, Vietnam, and Japan from multiple perspectives. This edited volume is one of the first attempts to understand Confucian academies as a complex transnational, intellectual, and cultural phenomena that played an essential role in various areas of East Asian education, philosophy, religious practice, local economy, print industry, and even archery. The broad chronological range of essays allows it to demonstrate the role of Confucian academies as highly adaptable and active agents of cultural and intellectual change since the eighth century until today. An indispensable handbook for studies of Confucian culture and institutions since the eighth century until the present.

South Korea's Democracy Challenge: Political System, Political Economy, and Political Society

ISBN 978-3-631-80093-5

Peter Lang | 2020-03

Erschienen in: Eggert, Marion/Lee, Eun-Jeung/Plassen, Jörg (eds.). Research on Korea. Vol. 10

Thirty years have passed since in 1987 formal democratization was achieved in South Korea. Since then the country has undergone the two turnover test (Huntington), and it overcame economic, financial, and political crises. However, social inequality is higher than before democratization, social conflict has been exacerbating, and political polarization has been on the rise. South Korea’s democracy has been going through a continuous stress test trying the polity’s capacity to heal social conflict, integrate society, and mature politics as meeting these challenges is key to sustainable consolidation of democracy. The chapters of this edited volume, written by experts from South Korea and Germany in respective fields, examine the way in which South Korea has coped with these challenges in its political system, political economy, and political society since its transition to formal democracy, and provide a focused critical assessment of three decades after democratization.

China und die moderne Gleichursprünglichkeit von Demokratie und Meritokratie. Zur interkulturellen Ideengeschichte des Republikanismus in der Epoche der Aufklärung


Eun-Jeung Lee , Dr Axel Rüdiger

fromman-holzboog | 2020-03

Erschienen in: Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Philosophie: Heft 45.1/2020

Gegen die aktuell in der internationalen politischen Theorie diskutierte alternative Gegenüberstellung von repräsentativer Demokratie und konfuzianischer Meritokratie gehen wir von der Hypothese einer historischen, interkulturellen und logischen Gleichursprünglichkeit von Demokratie und Meritokratie im modernen Verfassungsstaat aus. Zu diesem Zweck untersuchen wir die Konfuzianismusrezeption in der republikanischen Ideengeschichte der europäischen Aufklärung anhand von ausgewählten Beispielen, die von Leibniz bis zur klassischen Verfassungs- und Regierungstheorie von Sieyès reichen. Die verbreitete Ignoranz gegenüber den von uns hierbei evaluierten konfuzianischen Elementen im klassischen Kern des modernen Republikanismus wird auf die Bedürfnisse politischer Herrschaftslegitimation und die methodische Geschichtsvergessenheit des akademischen Diskurses zurückgeführt.

Das 'window of opportunity' in Korea schließt sich - Zum Stand der US-Nordkorea-Beziehungen und zu den Herausforderungen für die EU

SWP-Aktuell 2019/A 71, Dezember 2019

Eric J. Ballbach

Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik | 2019-12-19

Erschienen in: SWP-Aktuell 2019/A 71, Dezember 2019

Trotz eines weiteren persönlichen Treffens zwischen Donald Trump und Kim Jong Un im Juni und einer neuerlichen Begegnung auf Arbeitsebene zwischen Vertreterinnen und Vertretern beider Länder im Oktober liegen die Positionen Pyongyangs und Washingtons im Hinblick auf eine Denuklearisierung Nordkoreas nach wie vor weit auseinander. Eine Verständigung über zentrale Fragen, zum Beispiel darüber, was Denuklearisierung genau bedeuten und wie der zukünftige Verhandlungs­prozess ablaufen soll, setzt jedoch voraus, dass es ausreichend Raum für flexible Diplomatie und auf allen Seiten den entsprechenden politischen Willen gibt. Auch Europa sollte aktiv auf eine Wiederaufnahme des Dialogs zwischen der internationalen Gemeinschaft und Nordkorea hinarbeiten. Denn die politischen Rahmenbedingungen in Pyongyang und Washington lassen erwarten, dass sich das gegenwärtige »window of opportunity« für eine Lösung der Nuklearfrage im kommenden Jahr wieder schließen und Nord­korea sein selbstauferlegtes Moratorium für Nuklear- und Interkontinental­raketentests wieder aufheben könnte.

Synchronisiert zum Erfolg? Die Verhandlungsprozesse zwischen Nord- und Südkorea sowie zwischen den USA und Nordkorea

ISBN 978-3-8474-2339-3

Eric J. Ballbach

Verlag Barbara Budrich | 2019-12-16

Erschienen in: Michael Staack (Hg.). 2019. Der Nordkorea-Konflikt - Interessenlagen, Konfliktdimensionen, Lösungswege. Schriftenreihe des Wissenschaftlichen Forums für Internationale Sicherheit, Band 35, Verlag Barbara Budrich, S. 41 - 66

Diskurse um die deutsche Einheit in Korea


Eun-Jeung Lee

Potsdamer Wissenschaftsverlag | 2019-12

Erschienen in: Ulrich Busch (Hrsg.). 30 Jahre. 1989/90-2019/20, Berliner Debatte Initial 4, 2019, Potsdamer Wissenschaftsverlag

Eun-Jeung Lee analysiert in diesem Aufsatz den koreanischen Diskurs um die deutsche Vereinigung. Sie gelangt zu dem Schluss, dass der Fokus hier auf der „Einheit“ bzw. auf dem Prozess der „Wiedervereinigung“ liegt und nicht so sehr auf dem vereinigten Deutschland und seinen unbewältigten Problemen heute. Die Einstellung zur Koreafrage wird direkt in diesen Diskurs projiziert. Die Hauptframes dabei sind die Charakterisierung der Vereinigung als Absorption, die entstandenen Kosten der Einheit sowie die Probleme der sogenannten inneren Einheit nach dem politischen Zusammenschluss.

베를린, 베를린 [Berlin, Berlin]

ISBN : 9788936482916

Eun-Jeung Lee

Changbi | 2019-11-09

베를린장벽 붕괴(1989) 및 독일 재통일(1990) 30주년을 맞아 ‘냉전체제의 상징’에서 ‘분단극복의 모델’이자 ‘세계문화의 중심’이 된 도시 베를린의 극적인 변모 과정을 복원해낸 『베를린, 베를린』이 출간되었다. 2차대전 이후 베를린은 냉전체제의 최전선으로서 40년을 보냈다. 당시 동독 영토 한가운데 떠 있는 섬과 같았던 서베를린은 동서독의 갈등 원인이기도 했지만, 양측 정부로 하여금 교류를 모색하게 만드는 이유이기도 했다. 저자 이은정(베를린자유대학교 한국학과 교수)은 1945년 2차대전 종료부터 2019년 현재까지 독일 통일의 역사적 순간을 두루 살피면서 이제껏 뚜렷이 드러나지 않았던 베를린 주민들의 생활상과 동서독 교류의 구체적 양상, 당국 간 협상의 막전막후를 생생하게 추적한다. 국내외의 기존 관련 도서가 대부분 베를린장벽 붕괴 전후의 지정학을 주목하거나 정치지도자의 관점에서 서술하는 데 반해, 이 책은 1984년부터 독일에서 생활해온 저자가 방대한 자료를 직접 살피고 관계자 인터뷰를 통해 분단된 베를린의 실상을 입체적이고 균형감 있게 집약해냈다. 베를린과 독일의 경험을 바탕으로 남북협력 방안의 구체적 로드맵을 연구하고 한반도 평화구축 문제를 세계정세 속에서 파악해온 저자는 대립하는 두 체제 간의 타협과 협력, 끊임없는 교류가 결국 독일 통일의 원동력이었음을 드러낸다. 촛불혁명의 힘으로 급진전을 이룬 남북관계를 소통과 교류의 방향으로 전환시킬 과제를 안고 있는 우리에게 나침반 같은 의미를 제공할 책이라 기대한다.

The end of Critical Engagement: on the failures of the EU's North Korea strategy

Eric J. Ballbach

Real Instituto Elcano | 2019-11-06

Erschienen in: ARI 101/2019

This study critically evaluates the EU’s North Korea strategy and argues that Critical Engagement is an outdated and ineffective strategy for pursuing Brussels’ interests in the region. As Critical Engagement has failed on both the level of its stated objectives and strategically, a sober debate on a new North-Korea strategy is required, one which allows for a longer-term strategic planning of the EU’s relations with the Korean peninsula in general and North Korea in particular and put the EU in a stronger position to proactively contribute to the maintenance of peace and stability. This new strategy should specifically target those dimensions of the conflict to which Europe can make a tangible contribution, identify corresponding initiatives which better help to the achievement of the EU’s main objectives vis-à-vis the Korean peninsula, reflect the different roles of and contributions that can be made by the various actor(s) within the EU, and specify at which stage of the conflict (resolution) those initiatives are expected to be put into practice.

The Elephant in the Room: Problems and Potentials of the Workers’ Party of Korea in a Korean Unification Scenario

hsr 44(4)

Bong-Ki Lee

GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences | 2019-11

Erschienen in: Woo-Young Lee & Eun-Jeung Lee (Eds.). 2019. "Forum - Social Integration of Mind Integration. An Alternative Approach for the Unification of Divided Systems." Historical Social Research 44(4), 325-349

This paper investigates how North Koreans today, after having lived under the rule of a particular one-party system, evaluate the role, performance, and potential of the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) regarding future unification scenarios. This was done by analyzing survey data of North Korean migrants (N = 356) residing in South Korea, who serve as the best possible proxy for the North Korean populace. The survey comprises questions on the respondents’ general assessment of and trust in the party as well as their opinions on the role and development of the party when they were still in North Korea and now; it also includes questions about possible modes of reform for the party in the case of unification. Normatively speaking, for peaceful reunification it would be desirable for the fate of the WPK to be left to the people and free democratic elections, like in Germany; however, the particular trajectories of Korean contemporary history, including the Korean War (1950–1953), loom over such a worthwhile procedure. This is also reflected in the results that show negative appraisal of and low trust in the party, and high favor for its forced dissolution, thus providing important insights into the state of mind of North Koreans, and an important stimulus for thinking about possible ways to prepare a smooth transition into a post-division era.

Introduction - The Issue of Mind Integration in the Unification of Divided Systems: A Case Study Focused on Germany and the Two Koreas

hsr 44(4)

Eun-Jeung Lee , Woo-Young Lee

GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences | 2019-11

Erschienen in: Woo-Young Lee & Eun-Jeung Lee (eds.). 2019. "Forum - Social Integration of Mind Integration. An Alternative Approach for the Unification of Divided Systems." Historical Social Research, 44(4), 253-268.

In this article, we introduce the HSR Forum on mind integration by exploring how the future integration process on the Korean Peninsula will come about, focusing on the East German regime’s transition process. We conceptualize “mind” as a concept that is made up of emotions, sentiments, the will and the senses thus the mind system is the foundation that makes up the dispositions and behaviors of people from both North and South Korea. This article argues for the importance of questioning the general stereotypes that frame integration such as the unification of political systems, as well as provides an alternative approach by thickening the discussion on the so-cial/cultural integration. On this basis, we distinguish four contextual dimensions: first, to identify the intractable conflicts on the Korean Peninsula with incongruity of national and political identities; second, to analyze the attitudes of South Koreans toward inter-Korean integration; third, to understand the differences in perception between South Korean migrants in Germany and South Koreans; and finally, to investigate North Korean defectors’ view on the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK).

Division and Unification: Seen through the Eyes of Korean Migrants in Berlin

hsr 44(4)

Eun-Jeung Lee , Jin-Heon Jung

GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences | 2019-11

Erschienen in: Woo-Young Lee & Eun-Jeung Lee (Eds.). 2019. "Forum - Social Integration of Mind Integration. An Alternative Approach for the Unification of Divided Systems." Historical Social Research 44(4), 308-324

Based on qualitative fieldwork among first generation Korean immigrants in Berlin, this article sheds light on their lived experiences of German division and unification. Our research questions are threefold; first, how do these immigrants from the divided Korea perceive the division and unification of Germany? Second, did the fact that the division of Germany could be overcome affect their views on the division and unification of the Korean Peninsula? Third, are there any differences between Koreans in Germany and Koreans in Korea with respect to their views on unification? Our research suggests that different from South Korea, where the discourses in the media and the academia tend to assume sharply antagonistic attitudes, discourses among Koreans in Germany are generally much more supportive of unification. This is because they have a positive perception of German unification in everyday life and, furthermore, have constructed for themselves a future-oriented identity as a people of the Korean Peninsula that will eventually be unified. Korean immigrants in Germany are considerably more optimistic about the possibility of Korean unification than people in South Korea.

Namnamgaldŭng - Partisan Media Framing of Political Polarization in South Korea

Korea Observer 50-2_Cover

Hee Kyoung Chang

Institute of Korean Studies | 2019-10

Erschienen in: Korea Observer, Vol. 50, No 3 /2019, 331-354

This article investigates how mass media in South Korea frame political polarization. As an extreme form of political conflict political polarization is characterized by antagonistic and divisive effects on politics and society. In South Korea, political polarization is not only negatively affecting its democracy in general but also inhibiting domestic consensus on rapprochement and reconciliation towards North Korea in particular. This is reflected in depicting political polarization as namnamgaldŭng or South-South conflict referring to two Souths - progressives and rightist-conservatives - polarized in their position regarding how to deal with North Korea. Based on the empirical analysis of newspaper editorials in 2016 this article argues that a partisan framing of South-South conflict in the media is contributing to what the term supposedly is purely describing - political polarization.

¿Sincronizados para el éxito? Los procesos de negociación entre Corea del Norte y Corea del Sur, así como entre los Estados Unidos de América y Corea del Norte


Eric J. Ballbach

Cátedra de Estudios de Corea y el Este Asiático (CECEA) | 2019-10

Erschienen in: Chakana. Revista Internacional de Estudios Coreanos, Volumen 3, 2019, p. 3-31

Following the 2008 breakdown of the Six-Party Talks as the last attempt to resolve the nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula diplomatically, a rapid escalation in relations between the international community and North Korea could be observed. In this context, most communication channels both at the intra-Korean level and between the United States and North Korea collapsed. With the accession to power by Kim Jong Un in North Korea (2011) and the election of Moon Jae-in in South Korea (2017) and Donald Trump in the United States (2016), a completely new context emerged. After a dramatic escalation of the situation in 2017, in which the mutual provocations and threats between the USA and North Korea escalated further and further, the return of diplomacy in the nuclear conflict in the Korean Peninsula could be observed in 2018. This paper examines the different political and diplomatic dynamics in inter-Korean and US-North Korean relations since the resumption of the respective dialogues in 2017 and 2018. It will be shown that while the intrinsic dynamics in the relations between Seoul and Pyongyang have been strengthened, these intrinsic dynamics are still not strong enough to escape the direct influence of US-North Korean relations. As such, it is of immediate concern to resolve the current stalemate between North Korea and the USA. This requires an agreement on key issues such as the exact definition of the ultimate goal of denuclearization and the sequencing of the future negotiation process. On the other hand, this presupposes sufficient room for flexible and creative diplomacy on the working-level, which in turn requires the corresponding political will on all sides.

Translating constitutional norms and ideas: Genesis and change of the German 'Free Democratic Basic Order' in Korea

VRÜ Jahrgang 52 (2019) Heft 2

Nomos | 2019-08

Erschienen in: VRÜ Verfassung und Recht in Übersee, Jahrgang 52 (2019), Heft 2,195-223

It is a well-known fact that German law and adjudication, and concepts of the German legal tradition more generally, have played an important role in Korean constitutional theory and practice. What is less clear is how exactly this presumed in-fluence actually took shape, and, more radically speaking, whether it should not better be understood as a kind of ‘within-fluence’. Against this backdrop, this article traces the development of one of the most notable references to German legal institutions as they can be found in the Korean Constitution(s) – the concept of the “free democratic basic order” or fdBO. The fdBO depicts the core constitutional principles on which a certain country’s democratic system is based on, such as human rights, people’s sovereignty, separation of powers, parliamentary system, election system, multiparty system, and independence of the courts. The fdBO-formula in 1960 was introduced to the Korean Constitution, and, as in Germany, over time it disseminated from the initial constitutional provision to other articles of the Constitution, diffused into common laws, and dispersed into socio-political discourses. Drawing on comparative constitutional law literature and by the approach of discursive institutionalism I inquire into the transformation of the fdBO in Korea since 1960 until today. The analysis will show how and why the “same” fdBO-formula has different as well as similar characteristics across polities and over time. It will become evident that the fdBO in Korea is a translation of its German counterpart, while it is at the same time genuinely made in Korea.

Beyond the Orientalist and Occidentalist Bias - "Protest and Applause" and the Role of Citizens and Democracy in a Mass Society

Korea Observer 50-2_Cover

Eun-Jeung Lee

Institute of Korean Studies | 2019-06

Erschienen in: Korea Observer, Vol. 50, No. 2, Summer 2019, pp. 287-303

The course of history shows that democracy has succeeded in flourishing in masssociety, and has been able to do so to this day. The popular masses' battle cries against colonial overlords and authoritarian rulers have helped democracy mature and growstronger. It is the very voice of the popular masses filling public streets and squaresthat has constantly reminded the citizens of mass society that is it them who are the bearers of sovereign power. The March 1st Movement was an outcry by which the Korean masses proclaimed themselves to be the citizens of an independent, sovereign state. But in the Orientalist biased debates of authoritarian ruling elites and intellectuals alike who in trying to characterize East Asian culture mainly by reference to "Confucian" values and a supposedly "Confucian" meritocracy have persistently refused to acknowledge the popular masses as political agents in their own right.

독일과 유럽에 도착한 한반도발 평화의 바람

Korea Report Vol.2

Eun-Jeung Lee

포스텍평화연구소 (POSTECH Peace Institute) | 2019-02

Erschienen in: in: POSTECH.POSRI. 코리아 리포트 [Korea Report], Vol.2, Spring 2019, S.8-9

1950~60 년대 북한의 서원 연구 (North Korean Research on Confucian Academies in the 1950s and 1960s)

한국서원연구학보 제7호

Dr. Vladimir Glomb , Martin Gehlmann

한국서원학회 | 2018-12

Erschienen in: 서원학보 제7호, 59-82

국문초록 이 글에서는 북한의 서원에 대한 일반적인 인식과 연구를 소개한다. 북한에서 서원에 대한 현재의 태도를 이해하기 위해서는 1950년대와 1960년대의 역사 연구를 살펴보는 것이 중요하다. 이 시대의 연구는 현재까지 북한의 서원 연구 근거를 형성하고 있다. 이 논문은 또한 일반적으로 한국에서 이용하 기 어려운 북한 연구자료를 제시하고자 한다. 이 글은 여러 학술 분야에서 (사학, 교육학, 건축학 등등) 나온 자료를 통해서 북한의 서원관을 분석한다. 북한의 정궐이 창건한 후에 서원는 중요한 연구 주제가 아니였기 때문에 서원에 대한 자료는 많지 않지만, 그 때 출판된 책과 논문을 보면 여러 흥미로운 관점 을 찾을 수 있다. 특히 왜 세개의 서원이 문화유산보호의 지위를 가지게 되였는지 이해할 수 있다.

This article seeks to introduce North Korean research and perceptions of Confucian Academies (Seowon) in the 1950s and 1960s. To understand modern North Korean attitudes toward Confucian Academies it is important to look at the research in this period as it still forms the basic understanding of Confucian Academies in North Korea today. The article also seeks to introduce North Korean resources on Confucian Academies that are difficult to attain in the Republic of Korea. The North Korean view towards Confucian Academies is analyzed by looking at different research fields concerned with Confucian Academies. Even though Confucian Academies were not an important field of research during the early days of the North Korean regime and therefore not many publications about the academies were produced, several interesting points present themselves. Most interestingly it becomes clear why three Confucian Academies in North Korea received the status of cultural heritage, while others did not.

Schlagwörter: Confucian Academies in North Korea, North Korean research, Sohyeon Seowon, Yonggok Seowon, Sungyang Seowon

Denkströmungen - Antike: China/Ostasien

Handbuch Politische Ideengeschichte. 2018

Eun-Jeung Lee

J.B. Metzler | 2018-11

Erschienen in: Samuel Salzborn (Hg.). Handbuch Politische Ideengeschichte. Zugänge-Methoden-Strömungen, Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, S. 82 - 91

In dem Gebiet um den Gelben Fluss hat sich die chinesische Zivilisation vor 4000 bis 5000 Jahren entwickelt. Schon in jener Zeit bildeten sich Staatsformen heraus, deren Struktur und Macht weit komplexer waren als die von Stammesgesellschaften. In den benachbarten Gebieten wie Korea, Japan und Vietnam haben bereits im 1. Jahrhundert v. u. Z. damit begonnen, auf direktem oder indirektem Weg Elemente der chinesischen Zivilisation und staatlichen Ordnung zu rezipieren. Indem diese Königreiche eine Art tributärer Beziehungen mit den chinesischen Dynastien eingingen, konnte sich in Ostasien ein chinesischer Kulturkreis etablieren. Auf diese Weise bildete das politische Denken des antiken Chinas zugleich die Grundlage des politischen Denkens in Ostasien. Das antike politische Denken hat sich in China zwischen dem 5. und dem 3. Jahrhundert v. u. Z. entwickelt, also in einer Zeit, die in der chinesischen Geschichte als die Epoche von »Frühling und Herbst und der Kämpfenden Reiche« (770–221 v. u. Z.) bezeichnet wird.

Beauty in East Asia: Introduction


Eun-Jeung Lee , Dr. Anett Dippner

Erschienen in: ASIEN 147 (April 2018)

"In recent years, reports about the new “beauty craze” in China and South Korea have been piling up in Western newspapers and media outlets. They reveal details about the Chinese high-school graduates who get a nose job first thing after graduation, about double eyelid surgery special offers for couples on Valentine’s Day, and about Korean girl bands who collectively have a makeover. They echo popular fake news stories in East Asian media, for instance the one about the husband who sued his wife over their ugly children after discovering she had cosmetic surgery, and gossip about bizarre incidences of medical tourism, like the one about two Chinese patients who were not allowed to pass border control when trying to reenter their native country because their facial features had changed so fundamentally after cosmetic surgery in South Korea that they could not be recognized from their passports. Of course, most of these stories are motivated by a sensationalist curiosity and do not dig deeper into these phenomena, how they could be interpreted from a sociological perspective, and what they might be able to tell us about current transformation processes occurring in relation to modernization, neoliberalization, and negotiations of gender relations, class affiliation, and individual subject positions in East Asian societies."

Standardisierung, Globalisierung und McDonaldisierung der koreanischen Küche

Jahrbuch für Kulinaristik Band 2

Eun-Jeung Lee

IUDICIUM Verlag GmbH | 2018-11

Erschienen in: Irmela Hijiya-Kirschnereit (Hg.). 2018. Jahrbuch für Kulinaristik. Band 2. IUDICIUM Verlag GmbH

Mit dem Motto „Globalisierung der koreanischen Küche“ versucht die südkoreanische Regierung die internationale Vermarktung der koreanischen Küche zu fördern. Der CJ Konzern gehört zu den wichtigsten Akteuren. Er versucht, diverse Fastfoods als Ausdruck der koreanischen Küche auf den ethnic food-Märkten einzuführen. Die Vielfalt der koreanischen Küche, die von familiären und regionalen Traditionen geprägt ist, geht in diesem Standardisierungsprozess zur Fastfoodproduktion unweigerlich verloren. Nichtsdestotrotz fließt die Erfindung von kulinarischen Traditionen in nationale Identitätsbildungen und Selbstbehauptungsdiskurse ein. Da die Erfindung von ethnic food u. a. auch den Respekt vor anderen Kulturen fördert und das Bewusstsein von der Vielfalt der menschlichen Kulturen stärkt, kann man dem Vorgang trotzdem Positives abgewinnen.

With the slogan “Globalization of Korean cuisine”, the South Korean government has been promoting the proliferation of Korean food internationally. The CJ Group has been one of the key private players in this pursuit. Its strategy is aimed at introducing various types of fast food as an expression of Korean cuisine onto ethnic food markets worldwide. The concomitant standardization inevitably leads to a sweeping loss of the diversity of Korean cuisine, which is characterized traditionally by very distinctive family and regional traditions. Paradoxically, in the context of the way they are perceived internationally these same processes of standardization still engender the invention of specific culinary traditions, which are then incorporated in constituent parts of national identity constructs and self-assertion discourses. One can yet hope that the invention of such traditions also fosters respect for other cultures and strengthens awareness of the diversity of human existence.

Schlagwörter: Koreanische Küche, Globalisierung, ethnic food, Fastfood

Regionalwahlen in Südkorea 2018


German Association for Asian Studies | 2018-07

Erschienen in: ASIEN 148 (Juli 2018), 51-67

Etwas mehr als 38 Millionen südkoreanische Bürgerinnen und Bürger waren am 13. Juni 2018 bei den siebten landesweiten Regionalwahlen aufgerufen, ihre Stimmen abzugeben – über 60% machten davon Gebrauch. Die regierende Gemeinsame Demokratische Partei (GDP) gewann diese Wahlen deutlich, während die rechtskonservative Opposition, allen voran die Liberale Partei Koreas (LPK), klar abgestraft wurde. Insgesamt kann das Wahlergebnis als Reaktion auf die enttäuschende Politik der beiden rechtskonservativen Vorgängerregierungen und insbesondere auf den Skandal um Park Geun-hye (vgl. Mosler 2017) verstanden werden. Knapp ein Jahr nach dem Amtsantritt des liberalen Präsidenten Moon Jae-in im Mai 2017 geben diese Wahlen der neuen Regierung zunächst Rückenwind. Dieser Aufsatz erklärt das System und die Bedeutung der Wahlen in Südkorea, fasst die Ergebnisse der diesjährigen Regionalwahlen zusammen und analysiert deren Ausgang.

The paper analyzes the 2018 local elections in South Korea. It starts off by explaining the country’s election system, which besides separate presidential and general elections also features local ones too. After discussing the evolution of the local election system since its introduction in 1987, and the political background to its somewhat late fully fledged realization in the middle of the 1990s, the paper continues by explaining details of the various offices that are elected at two different regional levels. After briefly describing central aspects of the given voting rights, and discussing the characteristics and current developments of political parties, the text then turns to the analysis of the election results. In the beginning, basic parameters are given – such as voter turnout rate as well as the overall distribution of votes – in a historical comparison, pointing out in the process the landslide victory of the government party of the newly (May 2017) elected liberal president Moon Jae-in. This is followed by a discussion of participation by and outcomes for female candidates in the election. Finally, the results of the simultaneously held by-elections and the reelection of twelve National Assembly members are explained and put into context. The third section of the paper addresses the reasons behind the observed outcomes, in particular against the backdrop of the last two rightist-conservative governments and the new liberal one too. The paper is summed up by a conclusion that takes a brief look into the near future, and tries to make sense of the regional elections' results — in particular regarding the Moon-administration’s likely subsequent performance, as well as forecasts for the upcoming general elections in 2020.

Das Sanktionsregime des UNO-Sicherheitsrates gegen Nordkorea - Qualitativer Wandel und nicht intendierte Herausforderungen.

insight asia-pacific

Eric J. Ballbach

OAV (Ostasiatischer Verein) | 2018-06

Erschienen in: oav. insight asia-pacific, 01/2018, S. 14-15

Insbesondere seit dem Scheitern der sogenannten Sechs-Parteien-Gespräche als dem bisweilen letzten koordinierten Versuch, die Nuklearkrise auf der koreanischen Halbinsel diplomatisch zu lösen, bilden Sanktionen das zentrale strategische Element im Umgang der internationalen Gemeinschaft mit Nordkorea. Zielten die Sanktionen vor 2016 vor allem auf die nordkoreanische Führung bzw. Institutionen und Personen ab, die in unmittelbarem Zusammenhang zu Nordkoreas Nuklear- und Raketenprogrammen stehen, werden diese seither durch einen qualitativen Wandel charakterisiert, demnach die nordkoreanische Wirtschaft als Ganzes getroffen werden soll. Dieser holistischere Ansatz birgt seinerseits jedoch eine Reihe von nicht intendierten Herausforderungen, denen die internationale Gemeinschaft begegnen muss.

Kommunitarismus und Konfuzianismus

Handbuch Kommunitarismus

Prof. Dr. Eun-Jeung Lee

Springer International Publishing AG | 2018-05-14

Erschienen in: Walter Reese-Schäfer (hrsg): Handbuch Kommunitarismus. Springer Reference Geisteswissenschaften book series

Der Konfuzianismus ist auch im Westen keine unbekannte Lehre mehr. Zugleich trifft man ihr gegenüber auf erhebliche Vorurteile. Insbesondere im Zusammenhang mit der Debatte um den Kommunitarismus wird der Konfuzianismus häufig als kulturelle Grundlage autoritärer politischer Herrschaft hingestellt. Das ist nicht vollkommen falsch, beruht aber auf einer einseitigen Wahrnehmung des Konfuzianismus. Tatsächlich blickt dieser auf eine lange Geschichte politischer Instrumentalisierungen zurück. Gleichwohl enthält diese Lehre Konzepte, die dem gemeinschaftlichen Zusammenleben förderlich sein können.

Internationale Antworten auf Nordkoreas Atomprogramm

Vereinte Nationen Heft 2/2018 (April)

Eric J. Ballbach

Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e.V. (DGVN) | 2018-04-24

Erschienen in: Vereinte Nationen Heft 2/2018 (April), S. 67-71

Die Sanktionen des UN-Sicherheitsrats, die darauf ausgelegt waren, Nordkoreas nukleare Ambitionen einzudämmen, werden angesichts des faktischen Übergangs des Landes zur Atommacht die Nuklearfrage nicht lösen. Um langfristig zielführend zu sein, müssen Sanktionen in eine Gesamtstrategie gegenüber Nordkorea eingebunden werden.

Eine Wiedergeburt von Konfuzius? Die »Renaissance des Konfuzianismus« in Ostasien

Eine Wiedergeburt von Konfuzius?

Eun-Jeung Lee

Nomos | 2018-04

Erschienen in: Leviathan, Jahrgang 46 (2018), Heft 1

Konfuzius, der in der Geschichte Ostasiens mehrfach für tot erklärt worden ist, erlebt seit einigen Jahren in China eine erneute Wiedergeburt. Darin setzt sich eine lange Tradition der politischen Instrumentalisierung seiner Lehre und der seiner Schüler in Ostasien fort. Der politische Umgang mit dem Konfuzianismus schwankte dabei stets zwischen staatstragender Akzeptanz und radikaler Ablehnung. Der dezidiert humanistische Charakter dieser Lehre wurde dabei ausgeblendet. In diesem Aufsatz wird die wechselvolle Geschichte der Instrumentalisierung des Konfuzianismus in Ostasien untersucht.

Confucius, who has been repeatedly pronounced dead in East Asian history, has for some years now been experiencing another rebirth in China. This is in line with a long tradition of political instrumentalization of the teachings of Confucius and his disciples in East Asia. In dealing with them, the political protagonists have always veered between embracing Confucian thought in the hope of furthering the aims of the state and their own rule and radically rejecting it, while the decidedly humanistic character of this doctrine has been either ignored or suppressed. This essay examines the eventful history of the instrumentalization of Confucianism in East Asia.

Schlagwörter: Konfuzius, Konfuzianismus, Humanismus, Modernisierung, asiatische Werte, Ostasien, China, Confucius, Confucianism, humanism, modernization, Asian values, East Asia

Entspannung in Korea? Zur jüngsten Annäherung zwischen Seoul und Pjöngjang

SWP-Aktuell 14, Februar 2018

Eric J. Ballbach

SWP | 2018-02

Erschienen in: SWP-Aktuell 14, Februar 2018

Die jüngsten Annäherungsversuche zwischen Nord- und Südkorea sind ein wichtiger erster Schritt, um die Lage auf der Halbinsel zu entspannen. Monatelang hatte sich die Konfrontation zwischen Pjöngjang und der internationalen Gemeinschaft über das nordkoreanische Nuklear- und Raketenprogramm verschärft. Nun kam es zum ersten innerkoreanischen Dialogprozess seit Ende 2015. Er ist das Resultat einer partiellen, kurz- bis mittelfristigen Interessenkonvergenz von Nord- und Südkorea. Die größte Herausforderung für Seoul wird darin bestehen, den Gesprächskontakt mit Pjöngjang – im Spannungsfeld der Auseinandersetzungen um Nordkoreas Nuklearprogramm – über das Ende der Olympischen Spiele hinaus zu verstetigen. Dabei liegt es im unmittelbaren Interesse Deutschlands und der EU, das gegenwärtige Momentum von Dialog und Deeskalation in Korea zu unterstützen. Die deutsche und europäische Politik sollte daher in Washington und Pjöngjang aktiv für einen kreativen, flexiblen und realistischen Diplomatie-Ansatz werben.

Breakfast in Korea - Between Tradition and Modernity

Frühstück in Korea

Eun-Jeung Lee , Daniela Gi-Youi Claus-Kim

IUDICIUM | 2018-02

Erschienen in: Wierlacher, Alois (Hrsg.).2018. Kulinaristik des Frühstücks. Breakfast across Cultures

Among Koreans, “Have you eaten yet?” is a common form of morning greeting. One would not think it strange even to be greeted like that in a morning program on the radio. To non-Koreans, a morning greeting of “Have you eaten yet?” sounds rather odd, and they tend to take these words to mean an invitation to have breakfast together. They are the more surprised when their friend or acquaintance proceeds to pass them without so much as another word. ...

Über die Herausforderung(en) des Dialogs mit Nordkorea


Eric J. Ballbach

Deutsche Gesellschaft für Asienkunde e. V. | 2018-01

Erschienen in: ASIEN 146 (Januar 2018), S. 31–55

Finding a diplomatic solution to the nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula is among the most pressing challenges that the international community currently faces. Given that any diplomatic solution to the crises necessitates direct dialogue with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea), this study analyzes past dialogue initiatives of the international community with that country — thereby aiming to scrutinize the multiple challenges associated with such endeavors. Among the lessons that can be learned from the failure of past diplomatic initiatives to solve the nuclear crisis is the acknowledgment of the fact that such non-military solutions will constitute a long-term and gradual process, whose continued maintenance requires a tremendous amount of sustained political will. Moreover, North Korea’s transition to a de facto nuclear power has dramatically changed the baseline for dialogue with it.

Schlagwörter: North Korea, nuclear crisis, diplomacy, foreign policy, Track-II

Citizenship and Migration in South Korea: In the forefront of democracies?

ISBN 978-3-319-57066-2

Luicy Pedroza

Palgrave Macmillan | 2018

Erschienen in: Youngmi Kim. 2018. Korea's Quest for Economic Democratization - Globalization, Polarization and Contention, Palgrave Macmillan, S. 209 -232

This book studies the sources of inequality in contemporary South Korea and the social and political contention this engenders. Korean society is becoming more polarized. Demands for ‘economic democratization’ and a fairer redistribution of wealth occupy centre-stage of political campaigns, debates and discourse. The contributions offer perspectives on this wide-ranging socio-political change by examining the transformation of organized labour, civil society, the emergence of new cleavages in society, and the growing ethnic diversity of Korea’s population. Bringing together a team of scholars on Korea’s transition and democratization, the story the books tells is one of a society acutely divided by the neo-liberal policies that accompanied and followed the Asian financial crisis. Taken together, the contributions argue that tackling inequalities are challenges that Korean policy-makers can no longer postpone. The solution, however, cannot be imposed, once again, from the top down, but needs to arise from a broader conversation including all segments of Korean society. The book is intended for a readership interested in South Korean politics specifically, and global experiences in transition more generally.

Nordkorea und die Bombe

WeltTrends - Schuld und Sühne

Eric J. Ballbach

WeltTrends | 2017-12

Erschienen in: WeltTrends - das außenpolitische Journal, No. 134 (Dezember 2017), S. 46-52

Nachdem die Reparationsfrage in den deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen lange Zeit bestenfalls am Rande vorkam, ist das Thema im Sommer 2017 überraschend auf die bilaterale Agenda zurückgekehrt. Initiator des unerwarteten Comebacks war kein Geringerer als Jarosław Kaczyński, der einflussreiche Vorsitzende der Regierungspartei PiS. Unterstützt wird sein Vorhaben u.a. von einem Gutachten des wissenschaftlichen Dienstes des Sejm, während Berlin die Reparationsfrage nicht zuletzt wegen der polnischen Verzichtserklärung von 1953 für abschließend geregelt hält.

North Korea’s Engagement in International Institutions: The Case of the ASEAN Regional Forum

North Korea's Engagement

Eric J. Ballbach

Korea Institute for National Unification | 2017-12

Erschienen in: International Journal of Korean Unification Studies, Vol. 26, No. 2, 2017, 35−65.

Despite a successive increase in the DPRK’s engagement with international organizations and institutions since the 1970s, research on North Korean foreign policy largely ignores the role of multilateralism in the DPRK’s overall foreign policy conception and thus lacks a sufficient understanding of the country’s engagement with the international community through international organizations and institutions. This is all the more surprising given that encouraging the engagement of North Korea into stable structures of cooperation is considered to be among the most pressing tasks in contemporary Northeast Asia. Such an engagement, however, presupposes an understanding of the motives and strategies that lead to North Korean engagement in or disengagement from regional and international organizations and institutions. This paper aims to fill this void in the international literature by scrutinizing an especially significant case of the DPRK’s institutionalized engagement with a particular institution: the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Embedded in a broader overview of North Korea’s participation with international and regional organizations and institutions at large, this study analyzes the history, structure and organization of the DPRK’s engagement with the ARF, aiming to distill the motives, strategies, and patterns of interaction with this significant institution. It reveals that (1) North Korea’s decision to join the ARF was mainly due to the organization’s loose decision-making procedures, (2) North Korea finds the ARF useful as it provides the country with a venue to interact with other states and (3) North Korea, as a theater state, uses the ARF as a stage on which national role conceptions can be articulated and dramatized.

Schlagwörter: North Korea, International Organizations, Regional Institutions, ASEAN Regional Forum, Multilateralism

Kultur oder Kapital? Koreas kulinarische Offensive

Jahrbuch für Kulinaristik

Eun-Jeung Lee

IUDICIUM | 2017-12

Erschienen in: Wierlacher, Alois (Hrsg.).2017. Jahrbuch für Kulinaristik. The German Journal of Food Studies and Hospitality. Wissenschaft - Kultur - Praxis

"Kosten sind in der Regel Lebenshaltungskosten oder Teil eines Auftrags, der nach seiner Erfüllung in Rechnung gestellt wird. Das Controlling als Rechnungsprüfung schließt dementsprechend die Auftragsprüfung ein. Dabei kann es auch um größere kulturpolitische Vorhaben wie etwa die globale Verbreitung einer nationalen Küche gehen. Als Prüfung eines solchen Vorhabens im Fall Koreas versteht sich der nachfolgende Beitrag."

The Quality of Democracy in Korea: Three Decades after Democratization

The Quality of Democracy in Korea

Eun-Jeung Lee , Hak Jae Kim

Palgrave Macmillan | 2017-10-25

Erschienen in: Critical Studies of the Asia-Pacific

This edited volume assesses the quality of democracy in the Republic of Korea three decades after its formal democratization in 1987. It has been argued that Korea’s two subsequent power turnovers prove that its democracy has been successfully consolidated, despite its tremendous progress; however, recent developments show signs of deterioration and retreat. Therefore, drawing on the recent quality of democracy literature this volume sets out to answer the question: Where does Korea’s democratic quality stand today? The three chapters in first section of the book focus on aspects related to the presidency, political parties, and organized labor, also including the perspective of governance and human security as well as on the rule of law regarding the role and function of the prosecution. This is followed by a set of four chapters in section two that address the dimensions of democratic quality such as participation, freedom, equality, and responsiveness. The final, third section includes contributions on related inter-Korean policy issues. This book is an invaluable resource for political and social scientist working on democratic quality, and at the same for scholars in Asian or Korean Studies at faculty level as well as on graduate student level.

Dens of Feudalism: North Korean Discourse on Confucian Academies

Dens of Feudalism

Vladimir Glomb , Eun-Jeung Lee

University of Hawai'i Press | 2017-10

Erschienen in: Journal of Korean Religions, Volume 8, Number 2, pp. 147-180

Confucian academies (sŏwŏn 書院) became in post-liberation North Korea subject of a complex political and intellectual debate motivated by the needs of the new regime to reevaluate the Korean past according to the ideological framework of Marxism-Leninism. Confucian academies were designated as institutions belonging to the past feudal order and as such their traditional functioning was severed and liquidated. On the other hand, they were to a certain degree recognized as cultural relics belonging to the people of the DPRK, and North Korean scholars have devoted considerable effort to describing the role of Confucian academies within traditional Korean society. The present study analyzes North Korean discursive strategies concerning Confucian academies during the 1950s and 1960s. It focuses on both popular and academic depictions of these educational, religious, and political institutions.

The Costs of German Division

The Costs of German Division

Werner Pfennig , Alexander Pfennig , Dung Vu Tien

Berghahn Journals | 2017-09-01

Erschienen in: German Politics and Society, Issue 124 Vol. 35, No. 3 (Autumn 2017): 55–68

In many countries, the process of German unification is of continued interest. While the fact that peaceful unification was possible is generally appreciated, the costs of unification seem to still be of great concern. Yet, they have always to be seen in relationship to costs of division. It may be impossible to work out exactly the final sum of costs of German division. We searched for costs that occurred for the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) since 1949 and what we put together is, admittedly, an incomplete compilation, as it is a difficult undertaking which has not been done before. Furthermore, it is almost impossible to calculate the costs the German Democratic Republic (GDR) paid for division. Thus, we can only present an estimate. Costs of division as juxtaposed to unification costs will show that unification in Germany is not even twice as expensive as was division. Many of these costs facilitated normalization and the opening up of East Germany—in the end they turned out to be a most valuable prepayment for German unification.

Schlagwörter: costs of division, costs of unification, Federal Republic of Germany, German Democratic Republic

Decoding the 'Free Democratic Basic Order' for the Unification of Korea


Korea Journal | 2017-07

Erschienen in: Korea Journal, vol. 57, no.2 (summer 2017): 5-34

This article examines interpretations of the free democratic basic order (FDBO) in South Korea regarding the task of unification. The interpretation of the FDBO is a central issue in discussions around unification, because actors are bound by it in a fundamental sense, and also because conceptually it has the potential for bringing together the two Koreas in a peaceful and democratic way. The article first investigates the historical context in which the specific introduction and change of the FDBO in the constitution and other closely related legal norms occurred. Secondly, the article examines the diverging definitions of the contents and application of the FDBO with respect to unification by reviewing related Constitutional Court decisions as well as authoritative legal scholarship that comments on the matter.

Schlagwörter: free democratic basic order, Korean unification, constitution, liberal democracy, constitutional interpretation, translation

Koreaforschung in Deutschland – Geschichtlicher Überblick und Perspektiven


Eun-Jeung Lee

Deutsche Gesellschaft für Asienkunde e.V. | 2017-07

Erschienen in: ASIEN 144 (Juli 2017), S. 94–104

In German academia, Korean Studies still counts among the so-called “small subjects.” Only a handful of universities even offer degrees in Korean Studies. While Korean Studies has long been associated with the Humanities, especially Linguistics and Literature, it is now increasingly oriented toward the Social Sciences. With the absolute number of those focusing their research on Korea being only very small, the range of research topics in German Korean Studies is still fairly limited when compared to Sinology or Japanese Studies, to give just two examples. Put positively, Korean Studies in Germany has considerable potential to widen its ambit and to freshly explore a vast range of interesting and meaningful topics.

Schlagwörter: Korea, Koreanistik, Koreastudien, Entwicklung der Koreanistik

Präsident Moon Jae-in − die richtige Wahl für Südkorea [President Moon Jae-in – The Right Choice for South Korea]


BerttelsmannStiftung | 2017-06-13

Erschienen in: Asia Policy Brief, Juni 2017

Die Präsidentschaftswahl in Südkorea am 9. Mai brachte einen klaren Sieger hervor. Der Kandidat der Demokratischen Partei, Moon Jae-in, gewann 41,1 Prozent der Stimmen und wurde zum 19. Präsidenten des Landes gewählt. Damit schlug er seinen schärfsten Kontrahenten: den konservativen Hong Jun-pyo von der Freiheitspartei Koreas, der mit 24,0 Prozent der Stimmen 5,6 Millionen weniger Wähler mobilisieren konnte. Das ist der größte Stimmenunterschied bei einer Präsidentenwahl in Südkorea seit der Demokratisierung 1987.

The presidential election that took place in South Korea on May 9, 2017, produced a clear winner. The Democratic Party candidate, Moon Jae-in, received 41.1 percent of the vote, thus becoming the country’s 19th president (Fig. 1). With that, he defeated his most formidable opponent, Hong Jun-pyo, the conservative candidate representing the Liberty Korea Party. At 24.0 percent, Hong received 5.6 million fewer votes. That is the largest diff erence between the top candidates in a presidential election since South Korea’s democratization in 1987.

Understanding the Art of War: The Story of a Korean Military Manual

Dr. Vladimir Glomb

SFB 950 | 2017-02

Erschienen in: Wiebke Beyer, Zhenzhen Lu (Eds.): Manuscript of the Month 2017.02, SFB 950: Hamburg

War is largely associated with the loss of texts, yet in many instances it also leads to their emergence. Motivated by the disastrous Japanese and Manchu invasions in the 16th and 17th centuries, the Korean court strived to enhance the Royal Army through a series of reforms and innovations. These efforts included the compilation and publication of a military manual entitled Pyŏnghak chinam (The Compass of Military Learning). A recently discovered version of this book, employing two languages and three different writing systems, provides rare insights into military education, literacy and written culture in traditional Korea.

Paul Georg von Möllendorff: A German Reformer in Korea

Transnational Encounters between Germany and Korea

Eun-Jeung Lee

Palgrave Macmillan | 2017

Erschienen in: Transnational Encounters between Germany and Korea – Affinity in Culture and Politics since the 1880s, pp. 53 – 77

During the second half of the nineteenth century, Korea found itself forced to open up to a world dominated by imperialist interests. The traditional Sinocentric worldview that had hitherto dominated Korean political thought gave way before a new manner of thinking in which individual states interacted and competed with one another as, at least formally, equal partners in a community of sovereign states. Navigating ist way in these new circumstances while maintaining ist independence was no easy task for the Korean state, and, much like Japan and China, it chose to rely on foreign advisers in ist efforts to do so.

130 Years of German-Korean Relations

Transnational Encounters between Germany and Korea

Eun-Jeung Lee

Palgrave Macmillan | 2017

Erschienen in: Transnational Encounters between Germany and Korea – Affinity in Culture and Politics since the 1880s, pp. 27 – 49

In the year 2013, Germany and Korea celebrated 130 years of formal diplomatic relations first initiated by the signing of the German-Korean Trade, Friendship, and Shipping Agreement on November 26, 1883. While Germany and Korea may have thereafter occasionally loosened their ties in light of their considerable geographic distance, the dramatic trajectory of their respective national histories, and changing political conditions on the world stage, they have never altogether abandoned them and have recently even taken to expanding and strengthening their relations with one another. As of the year 2000, Germany numbers among the few states in the world to have set up diplomatic missions in both Seoul and P’yôngyang.

The Institution of Presidential Impeachment in South Korea, 1992-2017


Nomos | 2017

Erschienen in: VRÜ, Jahrgang 50 (2017), Heft 2, S. 111-134

Presidential impeachment is a mechanism used to protect democracy from system-threatening malpractice by an incumbent, which is a phenomenon that is occurring increasingly often in young presidential democracies around the world. This article analyses the institution of presidential impeachment in South Korea by comparing three impeachment efforts during the last thirty years that differed in their processes and outcomes. In 1992, the opposition seriously considered impeaching President Roh Tae-woo; however, eventually, it desisted from initiating a motion. Twelve years later, in 2004, President Roh Moo-hyun was impeached by the legislature but was ultimately reinstated. Another twelve years later, the impeachment trial in 2016 against President Park Geun-hye concluded in 2017 by deposing her from office. Based on a set of variables drawn from the existing literature, this article examines the differences and commonalities of the three cases. Thereby, the purpose of this essay is to describe the process of presidential impeachment in South Korea and to contribute to comparative literature by adding another study of a country to the growing case family.

Facetten deutsch-koreanischer Beziehungen: 130 Jahre gemeinsame Geschichte


Eun-Jeung Lee

PL Academic Research | 2017

Erschienen in: Marion Eggert, Eun-Jeung Lee and Jörg Plassen (eds). Research on Korea, Vol.7

Die Beiträge dieses Sammelbandes behandeln ausgewählte Facetten der gemeinsamen Geschichte Deutschlands und Koreas in Geschichte und Politik, Lebensumständen und Migration sowie Kultur und Lebenswelten. Beide Länder verstehen sich jeweils als das Herzstück Europas und Ostasiens und feierten im Jahre 2013 das 130. Jubiläum ihrer diplomatischen Beziehungen seit dem ersten offiziellen Vertrag vom 26. November 1883. Trotz ihrer geographischen Lage, geschichtlichen Entwicklung und weltpolitischen Bedingungen, gerade in jüngster Zeit, haben Deutschland und Korea bis heute ihre teils recht engen, teils aber auch etwas lockeren Beziehungen aufrechterhalten.

u.a. mit: Eun-Jeung Lee: "130 Jahre deutsch-koreanische Beziehungen"; Hannes B. Mosler: "Deutsch-koreanische Geschichte im Licht verfassungsrechtlicher Übersetzungen"; Ko-Un Kim: "Geschichte der koreanischen Migration in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland"; Daniela Claus-Kim: "Von Isang Yun bis PSY - Kultureller Austausch zwischen Deutschland und Korea"

Datong - der "Idealstaat" im politischen Denken von Konfuzius


Eun-Jeung Lee

Springer VS | 2017

Erschienen in: Alexander Amberger, Thomas Möbius (Hrsg.). Auf Utopias Spuren - Utopie und Utopieforschung.Festschrift für Richard Saage zum 75. Geburtstag, Wiesbaden: Springer VS, pp. 109 - 122

Auf Utopias Spuren: Vor 500 Jahren, 1516, erschien Thomas Morus’ „Utopia“. Der Text machte Furore. Er begründete eine politisch-literarische Gattung und wurde zum Namensgeber einer Tradition des politischen Denkens. Im Laufe der fünf Jahrhunderte mehrfach totgesagt, hat sich die Utopie immer wieder erneuert und ist nach wie vor lebendig. Ihre Formen reichen vom klassischen Staatsroman über Architektur, Film und Musik bis zu konkreten Umsetzungsversuchen als gelebte Utopie; ihre Intentionen von Kritik über politische Manifeste bis hin zu dystopischen Warnungen. In dieser Festschrift zum 75. Geburtstag des Utopieforschers Richard Saage werden die Gattung Utopie und ihre Geschichte aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven betrachtet: ausgehend von der „Utopia“ bis hin zu gegenwärtigen Utopien und Dystopien.

Ein Land voller Dynamik - Die starke Wirtschaftsnation Südkorea steht vor einigen gesellschaftlichen Herausforderungen und ringt um den richtigen Umgang mit dem Nachbarn im Norden


GATE-Germany | 2017

Erschienen in: Länderprofil Südkorea, S. 8-11

Südkoreas Wandel von einem armen, vom Krieg zerstörten und ländlich geprägten Entwicklungsland zur Hightechnation und von einer Diktatur zum demokratischen Staat ist eine Erfolgsgeschichte. 1948, drei Jahre nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs und der Befreiung des Landes aus der japanischen Kolonialherrschaft (1910–1945), wurde das Land geteilt. Wesentlich dazu beigetragen hatte zuvor die Besetzung der koreanischen Halbinsel im Norden durch sowjetische, im Süden durch US-amerikanische Truppen. Südlich des 38. Breitengrades entstand die Republik Korea (Südkorea). Sie zählte damals rund 20 Millionen Menschen und war eines der ärmsten Länder der Welt. Fast 70 Jahre später leben in Südkorea 50 Millionen Bürgerinnen und Bürger und das Land gehört zu den stärksten Industrienationen. Allein im Ballungszentrum der Metropolregion Seoul lebt fast die Hälfte der koreanischen Bevölkerung. Alles Wichtige in Politik, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft geht von der Hauptstadt aus – ein Phänomen, das seine Vorläufer in der zentralistischen Prägung seit der Chos n-Dynastie (1392–1910) hat und sich mit der Entwicklungsdiktatur seit den 1960er-Jahren konsolidiert hat.

Circulating Pictures: Confucian Diagrams, 'Ch’ŏnmyŏng to' and Intellectual Debate in 16th Century Korea


Vladimir Glomb

Iudicium Verlag | 2017

Erschienen in: Fakultät für Ostasienwissenschaften der Ruhr-Universität Bochum (Hrsg.). 2017. Bochumer Jahrbuch zur Ostasienforschung. IUDICIUM Verlag: München, S. 39 - 61

Diagrams (Chinese tu, Korean to) played an important role in both Chinese and Ko-rean Confucian discourse, providing a special tool of argumentation in so far as they brought together visual image, structural concept and non-linear text. In 16th century Korea, diagrams served as a highly efficient instrument for the concise recording of philosophical concepts and their dissemination within the community of literati. The aim of this study is to present a brief survey of the role of diagrams within the Korean Confucian discourse, to indicate the strategies of their composition, reading, and inter-pretation, and to explain why Korean Confucians often used this unusual medium as opposed to that of simple texts. The focus of the analysis will be Chŏng Chiun’s (1509‒1561) Ch’ŏnmyŏng to (Diagram of Heavenly Mandate) and the discussions surrounding this diagram. The story of this picture, as it circulated among the literati, shows how a single diagram was able to connect various thinkers and play a crucial role in sparking the Four-Seven debate.

Kurzgrammatik der koreanischen Sprache - Grundlagen für Koreanisch als Fremdsprache

Kurzgrammatik der koreanischen Sprache

Holmer Brochlos

Schmetterling | 2017

Die Zahl der Koreanischliebhaber steigt - ob Musik, Filme, Soaps oder Computerspiele, es gibt auf jeden Fall viele unterschiedliche Gründe, aus denen heute vermehrt Onlinekurse absolviert werden, vhs-Unterricht besucht wird oder man gar ein Studium der Koreanistik antritt. Holmer Brochlos' Darstellung der koreanischen Grammatik wird dabei zum unentbehrlichen Wegweiser, ist sie doch die erste ihrer Art im deutschsprachigen Raum. Kompakt, prägnant und leicht überblickbar erklärt er dem Koreanischlernenden wichtige Grundlagen und führt dazu einfache und griffige Beispielsätze an. Auch behandelt er nachhaltig mehrere grammatische Aspekte, die von von den anderen Grammatiken nicht ausreichend erläutert oder übergangen werden, für das Grundverständnis der Sprache aber essentiell sind (z.B. Personalpronomen, indirekte Rede, Passiv-Kausativ-Verben). Das Material wird sowohl für Koreanischstudenten als auch für vhs-Schüler und Autodidakten zu einem nützlichen Begleiter des Lernprozesses.

North Korea's Emerging Nuclear State Identity: Discursive Construction and Performative Enactment


Eric J. Ballbach

The Korean Association of International Studies | 2016-12

Erschienen in: The Korean Journal of International Studies 14-3 (December 2016), 390-414

The main goal of this paper is to broaden our perception of North Korea s nuclear weapons program beyond military, economic, and political-diplomatic aspects and to propose a view of the program as a dynamic identity project of and for the North Korean state. Drawing on a poststructuralist approach that theorizes the state as performatively constituted and foreign policy as a political performance central to the production of identity, this paper analyzes North Korea s evolving nuclear state identity on two levels. Firstly, it scrutinizes the discursive construction of this particular identity trait, identifying both the process of exploration as well as the central contextual characteristics of this particular identity trait. Building on these deliberations, the study, secondly, analyzes the performative enactment of this identity construction by scrutinizing some of those iterated foreign policy performances that bring the constructed nuclear state identity into being. As its central argument, the paper holds that to P yongyang, the nuclear weapons program has significance well beyond its military, economic, and political-diplomatic aspects; it has become the most crucial identity project of the North Korean state in the post-Cold War era, ultimately resulting in the emergence of an authoritative nuclear state identity that is still in the process of being explored. This view opens a new perspective on the ongoing nuclear conflict with the international community as a vital performative space in which the DPRK stages its identity politics and continuously explores its identity as a nuclear weapons state.

Schlagwörter: North Korea, nuclear state identity, foreign policy, performativity, poststructuralism

Knowledge Transfer as Intercultural Translation. The German Reunification as a 'Lesson' for Korea?


Eun-Jeung Lee , Everhard Holtmann

GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences | 2016-11

Erschienen in: Historical Social Research Vol. 41 (2016) No. 3

»Wissenstransfer als interkulturelle Übersetzung im deutschkoreanischen Kontext – Möglichen künftigen Herausforderungen begegnen im Dreieck von Vereinigung, Systemtransformation und sozialer Integration«. It is evident that Korea and Germany are embedded in different cultural traditions and are part of different scenarios of international politics. Acting on this general assumption, a coincidence of national unification and abrupt system change similar to the German process of transition does not seem likely. At most a policy of small steps may be an alternative. This is the reason why South Korean project partners are also interested in the antecedent times of two divided German states. From a theoretical perspective, the attempt of transferring the knowledge of unification to Korea requires a new contextualization of knowledge. This act can be understood as a process of transcoding. Having the practical expectations of Korean project partners in mind, a set of “manuals” has been worked out for seven domains of transfer. Additionally, a simulation game has been created and already tested. The written manuals may be useful to promote at least incremental steps towards a controlled institutional change of a dictatorial regime.

Schlagwörter: System change, transcoding, domains of policy-transfer, controlled institutional change, national unification

Führungswechsel bei den zwei großen Parteien Südkoreas: Der Wahlkampf zur Präsidentschaftswahl 2017 ist bereits eingeläutet


DGA | 2016-10

Erschienen in: ASIEN - The German Journal on Contemporary Asia 141 (Oktober 2016), 68–79.

Wege zur Erleuchtung (myŏng/ming) in der konfuzianischen Philosophie Koreas – am Beispiel von Yulgok Yi I

Erleuchtung (Herder)

Eun-Jeung Lee , Vladimir Glomb

Herder | 2016

Erschienen in: Almut-Barbara Renger (Hrsg.).2016. Erleuchtung: Kultur- und Religionsgeschichte eines Begriffs. Freiburg: Verlag Herder GmbH

Dieser Beitrag verfolgt die Frage, ob es im konfuzianischen Denken ein Konzept der „Erleuchtung“ gibt und was ggf. darunter zu verstehen ist.

Der Demokratiediskurs in Südkorea - Im Spannungsfeld von freiheitlicher und liberaler demokratischer Grundordnung


Nomos | 2016

Erschienen in: Sophia Schubert, Alexander Weiß (hrsg.). 'Demokratie' jenseits des Westens. Theorien, Diskurse, Einstellungen. PSV Sonderheft 51.

Die klassische Demokratieforschung befasst sich fast ausschließlich mit westlichen Demokratiekonzeptionen. Dieses Sonderheft untersucht dagegen Demokratiekonzeptionen jenseits des Westens in drei disziplinären Perspektiven (Theorien, Diskurse, Einstellungen) und schlägt einen integrierten Ansatz „global-transkultureller Demokratieforschung“ (GTDF) als Alternative zur klassischen Demokratieforschung vor. In einem innovativen, disziplinäre Grenzen überschreitenden Ansatz werden nicht-westliche Konzeptionen von Demokratie in drei Formen (als Demokratietheorien, -diskurse und -einstellungen) kontextualistisch erforscht und die Ergebnisse in einer globalen und transkulturellen Perspektive systematisiert. Die Beiträge sind für die Demokratietheorie und die empirische Demokratieforschung, für die Vergleichende Politische Theorie, die Politische Kultur- bzw. Einstellungsforschung und für die Areas Studies sowie angrenzende Gebiete relevant. Mit Beiträgen von Katajun Amirpur, Ursula Birsl, Fred Dallmayr, Sybille De La Rosa, David Egner, Sophie Eisentraut, Thomas Fröhlich, Dieter Fuchs, Matthias Gsänger, Eva Marlene Hausteiner, Oliver Hidalgo, Heike Holbig, Anne Hoss, Benjamin Isakhan, John Keane, Jörn Knobloch, Marlene Mauk, Christoph Mohamad-Klotzbach, Hannes Mosler, Nele Noesselt, Norma Osterberg-Kaufmann, Gert Pickel, Susanne Pickel, Thamy Pogrebinschi, Edeltraud Roller, Samuel Salzborn, Oliver Schlenkrich, Rainer Schmidt, Sophia Schubert, Mark Warren, Ralph Weber, Alexander Weiß, Melissa Williams, Holger Zapf. Das Werk ist Teil der Reihe Politische Vierteljahresschrift (PVS) - Sonderhefte.

In this special issue we explore conceptions of democracy beyond the West from three disciplinary perspectives (theories, discourses, attitudes) and suggest an integrated approach of ‘global-transcultural research on democracy’ (GTDR) as an alternative to classical research on democracy, which has focused nearly exclusively on Western conceptions of democracy. We research three manifestations of non-Western conceptions of democracy (as theories, as discourses and as understandings of democracy) within the framework of an innovative and interdisciplinary contextual approach and systematize the results from a global and transcultural perspective. This book is relevant to democratic theory and empirical research on democracy, to comparative political theory, the literature on the meanings or understandings of democracy, political culture or rather research into public opinion, to area studies and to related disciplines. With contributions by: Katajun Amirpur, Ursula Birsl, Fred Dallmayr, Sybille De La Rosa, David Egner, Sophie Eisentraut, Thomas Fröhlich, Dieter Fuchs, Matthias Gsänger, Eva Marlene Hausteiner, Oliver Hidalgo, Heike Holbig, Anne Hoss, Benjamin Isakhan, John Keane, Jörn Knobloch, Marlene Mauk, Christoph Mohamad-Klotzbach, Hannes Mosler, Nele Noesselt, Norma Osterberg-Kaufmann, Gert Pickel, Susanne Pickel, Thamy Pogrebinschi, Edeltraud Roller, Samuel Salzborn, Oliver Schlenkrich, Rainer Schmidt, Sophia Schubert, Mark Warren, Ralph Weber, Alexander Weiß, Melissa Williams, Holger Zapf.

The Dynamics of Knowledge Circulation: Cases from Korea

Peter Lang Verlag

Eun-Jeung Lee , Marion Eggert

Peter Lang | 2016

Erschienen in: Research on Korea Vol. 5

Die 20. Parlamentswahlen in Südkorea 2016


DGA: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Asienkunde E.V. | 2016-04

Erschienen in: ASIEN: The German Journal on Contemporary Asia. Nr. 139

Wider Erwarten hat die regierende rechtskonservative Neue Welt Partei (NWP) die 20. Parlamentswahl am 13. April 2016 verloren und sogar ihre bisherige Mehrheit in der Nationalversammlung eingebüßt. Die Nationalversammlung Südkoreas (hiernach: Korea) wird alle vier Jahre gewählt. Der einfallslosen und innerlich zerstrittenen Oppositionspartei Gemeinsame Demokratische Partei (GDP) gelang ein Überraschungssieg, der jedoch mehr als Denkzettel an die Regierung gewertet wird denn als tatsächlicher Zuspruch. Die Partei der Bürger (BP), die sich kurz vor der Wahl von der GDP abgespalten hatte, konnte aus dem Stand eine Partei mit Fraktionsstärke auf die Beine stellen, was sowohl als kritisches Votum gegenüber den etablierten Parteien als auch als Effekt regionalistischen Wahlverhaltens verstanden werden kann. Die starken innerparteilichen Konflikte und das Wiederaufkommen eines Zweieinhalb- bzw. Dreiparteiensystems erklären sich vor allem durch die im kommenden Jahr stattfindenden Präsidentschaftswahlen, für die sich potentielle Anwärter auf das höchste Amt im Staate in Position zu bringen versuchen.

The results of the 2016 general elections in South Korea were of surprise to most observers. Contrary to the expectation that the conservative ruling party, New Frontier Party (NFP), of President Park Geun Hye would again win the supermajority in parliament, it was in fact the main opposition party, the liberal Together Democratic Party (TDP), that won — beating the NFP by one seat, and in the process becoming the new majority party with 123 MPs in the 300 seat-strong national assembly. It is obvious that the voters did not suddenly favor the fairly incompetent TDP, but rather that the Korean people taught their government a lesson and showed through their voting their discontent with President Park’s way of handling state affairs. In addition the very recently established Citizens’ Party (CP), led by self-made IT businessman Ahn Cheol Soo, won 38 seats, and will now form an independent negotiation group in the national chamber. The CP markets itself as a moderate and rational conservative party. Its success is the result of voters’ discontent with the TDP’s shift to the right due to the recruitment as party leader of Kim Chong In, who previously worked for several of the country’s authoritarian governments; regionalistic sentiment in the Honam region also translated into altered voting behavior. However it remains to be seen, at least until the upcoming presidential election in 2017, whether this constellation of a divided government will indeed continue or not.

Schlagwörter: South Korea, 20th general elections 2016, ruling party’s defeat, divided government, inner party conflict, three party system, regionalism, lame duck, presidential election 2017

Sŏwŏn – Konfuzianische Privatakademien in Korea. Wissensinstitutionen der Vormoderne


Eun-Jeung Lee

Peter Lang Verlag | 2016

Erschienen in: Research on Korea. Vol. 4

Sŏwŏn waren konfuzianische Privatakademien, die sich seit Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts in Korea rasch verbreiteten. Sie waren Orte der Generierung, Weitergabe und Stabilisierung verschiedener Formen von Wissen, aber auch Institutionen mit eigenständigen Ordnungen, die ihr eigenes Funktionieren wie auch ihr Verständnis und ihren Umgang mit Wissen regulierten. Die Autorin analysiert, wie und in welcher Form das neokonfuzianische Wissen in den Sŏwŏn institutionalisiert und wie dieses institutionalisierte Wissen in der Praxis gehandhabt wurde. Sie untersucht sowohl die Akteure und Prozesse der Institutionalisierung als auch die Formen des Wissenstransfers innerhalb, zwischen und jenseits dieser konfuzianischen Privatakademien.

Schlagwörter: Konfuzianische Akademien, Neo.Konfuzianismus, Wissensinstitution, Wissenspraxis, Vormoderne Gesellschaft Korea

Yu Kil-chun’s translation of Karl Rathgen’s “Political Science” (Chŏngch’ihak) and its relevance to modern day Korean social science


Eun-Jeung Lee

Peter Lang Verlag | 2016

Erschienen in: Eggert, Marion/Pölking, Florian (eds.): Integration Process in the Circulation of Knowledge - Cases from Korea, Research on Korea, Vol. 6.

Das Verbot der Vereinten Progressiven Partei in der Republik Korea (Banning the United Progressive Party in the Republic of Korea)

Das Verbot der Vereinten Progressiven Partei in der Republik Korea

Nomos | 2016

Erschienen in: Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen (ZParl), 47. Jg. (2016), H. 1, S. 176 – 194

Im Jahr 2014 verbot das südkoreanische Verfassungsgericht die kleine linksgerichtete Vereinte Progressive Partei (VPP) und entzog ihren fünf Abgeordneten im nationalen Parlament das Mandat. Der Partei war in dem von der rechtskonservativen Regierung angestrengten Verbotsantrag zur Last gelegt worden, Nordkorea zu unterstützen und einen Umsturz der südkoreanischen Regierung zu planen, was sowohl die freiheitlich demokratische Grundordnung verletze als auch gegen das Nationale Sicherheitsgesetz verstoße. Einer der insgesamt neun Verfassungsrichter widersprach in seinem Sondervotum der Mehrheitsmeinung in fast allen zentralen Punkten. Auch in der ideologisch stark polarisierten Politik, Wissenschaft und Gesellschaft traf das Verbot auf deutliche Kritik. Die Untersuchung zu den Hintergründen der Entstehung des Verbotsantrages und der Auslegung des Parteienparagraphen durch das Verfassungsgericht zeigt, dass aus demokratietheoretischer wie juristischer Sicht das Urteil kritisiert werden kann. Das koreanische Verfassungsgericht ist mit dem besonderen Verfassungsrecht des Parteiverbots außergewöhnlich unvorsichtig umgegangen.

Banning the United Progressive Party in the Republic of Korea. The South Korean constitutional court decided in 2014 to ban the minor leftist United Progressive Party (UPP) and to deprive its five lawmakers of their seats in the national par- liament . In the petition by the right-conservative government to disband the UPP, the party was accused of supporting North Korea and to have planned to overthrow the South Korean government, which would violate the free democratic basic order and infringe upon the National Security Act . In his dissenting opinion, one of the nine judges challenged the majority’s decision’s main arguments . Also within heavily polarized politics, academia and society the petition as well as the decision was met with strong opposition . The investiga- tion on the circumstances leading up to the initiation of the petition and the constitutional judges’ interpretation of the article on political parties shows that the verdict leaves ample room for fundamental critique - both from a democratic theory perspective and from a legal theory perspective -, and concludes that the South Korean constitutional court han- dled the particular constitutional norm on party ban in a remarkably imprudent fashion .

유럽에서의 동아시아 연구와 한국학


Eun-Jeung Lee

문학사상사 | 2015-10

Erschienen in: 문학사상 제44권 제10호, pp. 18 - 39

The History of the Present: Foundational Meta-Narratives in Contemporary North Korean Discourse

The History of the Present

Eric J. Ballbach

The Institute of the Humanities for Unification | 2015-07

Erschienen in: S/N Korean Humanities, Vol.1, No. 2, pp. 79 - 100.

This study addresses the phenomenon of foundational meta-narratives in North Korea’s discourses. Meta-narratives are understood here as a totalizing cultural narrative schema which orders and explains knowledge and experience. On the national level, meta-narratives refer to those over-arching, all-encompassing myths and stories that contain the historical knowledge of a country’s foundational history. This paper discusses three particularly important meta-narratives permeating North Korea’s contemporary political and cultural discourses: the meta-narrative of national ruin, of (Kim Il Sung’s) armed resistance and of constant threat of external aggression. Providing both positive and negative frames of reference, the study shows how these meta-narratives are strategically employed in contemporary discourses as ‘historical contextualizations’ in which particular interpretations of the past are used as arguments for political actions in the present, and, with recourse to history, produce a normative frame for evaluating contemporary events and actions. At the same time, the historical references and myths contained in those meta-narratives play an important role in establishing identity and fostering integration, for they level differences within the North Korean community and thus construct sameness and communality.

Schlagwörter: North Korea, Meta-Narratives, Discourse, Historical Contextualization, Identity

Länderbericht Korea

Länderbericht Korea

Eun-Jeung Lee

bpb: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung | 2015

Deutsche wissen wesentlich weniger über das geteilte Korea als Koreaner über Deutschland. Das überrascht – finden doch die beiden Staaten auf der koreanischen Halbinsel in den deutschen Medien aus vielerlei Gründen zunehmende Aufmerksamkeit. Der Länderbericht Korea stellt Süd- und Nordkorea in einem Band vor: Fragen des politischen Systems, der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, von Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Kultur werden jeweils in den beiden Großkapiteln des Mittelteils abgehandelt. Auf diese Weise erschließen sich die höchst unterschiedlichen Entwicklungen, die beide Länder insbesondere seit dem Ende des Koreakrieges 1953 genommen haben. Vor- bzw. nachgestellt sind die Kapitel zur gemeinsamen Geschichte bis 1945 und über die Beziehungen zu Deutschland und die Debatte über die Wiedervereinigung. Ziel des Buches ist es, die deutschen Informationsdefizite über Korea abzubauen und das gegenseitige Verstehen zu fördern.

Migrant Workers in South Korean Society

Migrant Workers in South Korean Society

Hak-Jae Kim

Palgrave Macmillan | 2015

Erschienen in: Brendan Howe (Ed.). 2015. Democratic Governance in North East Asia – A Human-Centred Approach to Evaluating Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan, p. 51 - 69.

This study seeks to assess the quality of democracy in Korea from the perspective of migrant workers as the most vulnerable social groups. Korean democracy is seriously flawed in terms of citizenship rights for migrant workers, who face migrant-specific risks. First, economic and social rights are not equally guaranteed for migrant workers. Second, their right to education and cultural diversity are not fully acknowledged in the public education system. Third, public agreement on common citizenship without discrimination is unsatisfactory. Finally, the freedoms of association and right to collective action are relatively unrecognized. Korea is thus faced with a double challenge: achieving second step democratization for its own citizens on the one hand, and making a more “hospitable democracy” for its vulnerable groups on the other.

Schlagwörter: citizenship, migrant workers, multiculturalism, social protection, solidarity, South Korea

The Deterioration of South Korean Democracy

The Deterioration of South Korean Democracy

Palgrave Macmillan | 2015

Erschienen in: Howe, Brendan (Ed.). 2015. Democratic Governance in Northeast Asia – A Human-Centred Approach to Evaluating Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 25 - 50.

This chapter evaluates the current state of democracy in the Republic of Korea. Korean democratic development is acknowledged as one of the most successful cases of the third wave of democracy, recently passing the crucial two-turnover test, as well as experiencing rapid economic development. While not rejecting such assumptions, this chapter argues they are biased in their top-down evaluations, almost exclusively of formal institutions. This study takes an opposing bottom-up view on the quality of formal institutions and their actual effects on democracy. To do this, the analysis focuses on four major areas where democratic quality is most saliently challenged: representation (interest advocacy), administration (governance capabilities), integration (social capital and welfare), and participation (civil liberties).

Schlagwörter: administration, democratic governance, integration, participation, representation, South Korea

Democratic Governance in Northeast Asia – A Human-Centred Approach to Evaluating Democracy

Democratic Governance in Northeast Asia

Brendan Howe (Ed.)

Palgrave Macmillan | 2015

Comprising case studies of Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, this edited volume explores the key characteristics of democratic governance in Northeast Asia. Each democracy is assessed on the extent to which it enables the flourishing of social capital; prioritizes the interests of all as characterized by freedom from fear and want; and empowers all to participate in the democratic process and governance. With particular focus on the experience of minorities, this volume contends that the acid test of democratic governance is not how well the government represents the interests of the elites, or even the majority, but rather how it cares for the needs of vulnerable groups in society.

Construction of Identity and Threat in North Korea´s 'Diplomatic War' Discourse

Constructions of Identity and Threat in North Korea´s 'Diplomatic War' Discourse

Eric J. Ballbach

Erschienen in: Consumed Time: Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 2, No. 2

This paper analyzes North Korea’s most central foreign policy discourse in the post-Cold War era: the discourse of the Diplomatic War. Embedding North Korea’s nuclear strive and its conflictual relations with a significant Other – the U.S. – the analysis of this discourse provides crucial insights into the immaterial factors driving North Korea’s foreign relations in the post-Cold War era. In specific, the study focusses on two central characteristics of the discourse, i.e. the writing of identity and the construction of dangers and fear. Applying a poststructuralist, discourse analytical approach the study investigates the constitutive and performative relation between identity and threat constructions and North Korean foreign policy in the context of the nuclear issue, focusing on the question how identity rhetoric and attributions are used to legitimize its nuclear endeavors.

Schlagwörter: North Korea, Identity, Threat/Danger, Poststructuralism, Diplomatic War discourse, Foreign Policy

The Origins of the Panmunjeom Regime – The Korean War and Liberal Peace Project (한국전쟁과 자유주의 평화기획 - 판문점 체제의 기원)

The Origins of the Panmunjeom Regime

Hak-Jae Kim

Seoul: Humanitas | 2015

Why was the Korean War ended by a military armistice agreement? Why couldn’t it be developed into a political conference for making a formal peace treaty? To address these questions, this book examines how international laws and institutions (related to war and peace) were implemented in the case of the Korean War (1950-53). This book calls the result of the Korean War armistice negotiation the Panmunjom Regime (1953).

Civil Society on the Move - Transition and Transfer in Germany and South Korea

Civil Society on the Move

Eun-Jeung Lee

Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang | 2015

Following the transformation of the Soviet-controlled Eastern European system, there has been a renewal of discourses on civil society. The collection of essays discusses this complicated and controversial concept and explores the possibility of new approaches for the study of Korean civil society and democracy. Combining interdisciplinary and transregional research, it contributes directly to the field of democracy after democratization and sheds light on concepts of civil society, developments of various civil society organizations and student movements in Germany, Korea, and Eastern Europe.

"Schönheit ist Macht". Das Beispiel Lookism in Südkorea

Lookism in Südkorea

Eun-Jeung Lee

PROKLA | 2015-03

Erschienen in: PROKLA – Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft, Nr. 178

South Korea is a country where plastic surgery industry has been a roaring success. Beauty has become a dominant norm. Why? Some people try to explain this phenomenon in terms of the traditional Confucian culture of self-cultivation. However, this cannot be correct, as in Confucian culture a neat look cannot be equated with beauty. However, the rising dominance of lookism since the 1990s can be better explained through the interaction of pressures emanating from the labour market, of entertainment business, of the business strategies of medical industry and of economic policies of the government.

Lost and Found in Translation - Circulating Ideas of Policy and Legal Decisions Processes in Korea and Germany

Lost and Found in Translation

Eun-Jeung Lee

Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang | 2015

This book analyzes policy translation and its ends, how the concept of translation explains the emergence and (ex-)changes of policy ideas in different places and/or across borders in general, as well as the effectiveness of this concept in analyzing cases of actual policy dissemination. This book discusses these questions on a general theoretical level and within the context of actual policies and laws mainly between South Korea and Germany. South Korea is widely considered a typical example of a reforming country that is on the receiving end of disseminations of policies and ideas from advanced countries. From this point of view, it constitutes a highly interesting case for testing the applicability of the translation approach. The basic idea of this book is to analyze how different actors in different contexts and settings adopt varying interpretations and understandings of an idea, and how well the analytical concept of translation can be utilized for this endeavor.

Schlagwörter: Political Science